American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U. S. Diplomacy by Andrew J. Bacevich

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    (Hardcover)

    Details from Seller

    • ISBN: 0674009401
    • Publisher: Harvard University Press
    • Pub. Date: November 2002
    • Condition:

    Comments from the Seller: Dustjacket is clean, with slight shelfwear. Binding is tight and square. Book may have been dropped, a few page corners have been lightly bumped. No marks or writing.

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    Synopsis

    Arguing that since the end of the Cold War, American foreign policy makers have pursued a well-defined grand strategy aimed at preserving and expanding an American Imperium, Bacevich (international relations, Boston U.) contends that the strategy is continuous with policies pursued during the Cold War. The stated goal of containing communism was only incidental to a larger goal of worldwide commercial integration, a process that is seen as inexorable and beneficent, but paradoxically requires the use of overwhelming military power in response to challenges. The author calls for recognition of the empire, so that it can be better governed. Annotation c. Book News, Inc.,Portland, OR

    Publishers Weekly

    This small book's analysis of America's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era is unfortunately being eclipsed by current events. Bacevich, professor of international relations at Boston University, interprets America as the new Rome: committed to maintaining and expanding an empire acquired by design, not accident. He argues persuasively that the foreign policies of Clinton and Bush 41 reflected an essential continuity because all three administrations had essentially the same view of America's vital interests and how best to secure them. They accepted an American mission as the guardian of history, responsible for changing the world by making it more open and more integrated. They accepted an American global leadership, manifested by maintaining preeminence in the world's strategically significant regions. They accepted the necessity of permanent global military supremacy. While Bacevich finds no purpose is served by denying the empire, the important thing is that America behave wisely. Doing so, he argues, demands foresight, consistency and self-awareness. Bacevich derives his view from two long-neglected intellectual figures: Charles Beard and William Appleman Williams. Between them they developed the insight that American well-being depends on the effective functioning of a global economy, and simultaneous global adherence to certain behavior. Harmony of conviction and consistency of purpose has characterized overt American strategy from the days of Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman, and Bacevich asserts that the Bush 41 and Clinton administrations maintained an empire built less on coercion than on persuasion. When something more is necessary, "gunboats and Gurkhas" suffice-e.g., cruise missiles and similar long-range precision weapons systems, used in cooperation with local forces enhanced by American expertise and material. That does not seem to describe the war the U.S. is preparing for now. (Nov. 15) Forecast: The trope of American empire is a familiar one by now, and the fact that this book was completed before Bush 43's shift in foreign policy toward preemptive action and possible full-scale occupation should limit its usefulness to its historical analyses. Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information.

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    Biography

    Andrew J. Bacevich is Professor of International Relations and Director, Center for International Relations, Boston University.

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    American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacyby Anonymous

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    08/14/2004: The author is an American academic, an ex-officer of the US Army. Chapter One, `The myth of the reluctant superpower?, exposes the nonsense that the US state just responds to events, improvising as it goes, containing others? aggressions, going to war only in necessary self-defence. Bacevich notes that the US state?s ?purpose is to preserve and, where both feasible and conducive to U.S. interests, to expand an American imperium.? He shows the basic continuity of US foreign policy, ?the unflagging self-interest and large ambitions underlying all U.S. policy.? Globalisation expresses US economic, political, military and cultural supremacy, maintained by unilateral aggressive wars, through military proconsuls, gunboats and Gurkhas. The US state claims that its `internationalism? is progressive and `isolationism? is backward, that the USA is the vanguard of history, the pioneer, leading the world to the future of peace and prosperity. But a single dominant power brings not peace but perpetual war: the Pax Britannica involved Britain in war every single year while the Empire lasted. The same holds for the USA, ever since 1898. Since the Soviet Union?s suicide, US warmongering has speeded up: since 1989, the USA has made 47 overseas military interventions, following a consistent strategy for US empire. Clinton?s war in Somalia killed between 6,000 and 10,000 civilians, two-thirds of them women and children, according to a senior US officer. The illegal war against Kosovo, ostensibly humanitarian, became a full-blooded war against Serbian civilians, killing at least 1,500. In Afghanistan, US forces have so far killed between 1,000 and 4,000 civilians. US forces are now stuck in Iraq, where they have killed more than 13,000 civilians. The US naval victory at Manila Bay in 1898 led to forty years of occupying and `pacifying? the Philippines. How long will we tolerate this increasingly genocidal war against the Iraqi people? Bacevich calls for honestly recognising that the USA is an empire, so it can be run morally and realistically. But empire, founded on exploitation and repression, denies democracy, abroad and at home. It is reactionary, not progressive, and can no more be run morally than slavery can.