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Chapter One
Arctic
Whirlwinds
It was the look-out who saw them first. Two crippled
vessels, rotting and abandoned, lay at anchor close to
the shoreline. Their hulls were splintered and twisted,
their sails in tatters and their crew apparently long since
dead. But it was not a tropical reef that had wrecked the
ships and nor was it malaria that had killed the crew.
England's maiden expedition to the Spice Islands had come
to grief in the ice-bound waters of the Arctic.
The historic 1553 voyage was the brainchild of a newly
founded organisation known as the Mystery, Company
and Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery
of Unknown Lands. So impatient were these merchants to
enter the spice race yet so unprepared for the risks and
dangers that they allowed enthusiasm to overrule
practicalities and long before the ships had left port a
catalogue of errors threatened to jeopardise their mission.
The choice of expedition leader, or `pilot-general', was
sensible enough. Richard Chancellor was `a man of great
estimation' who had gained some experience of seafaring
in his formative years. His adoptive father, Henry Sidney,
so eulogised his young charge when presented to the
Company that the merchant adventurers thought they had
a new Magellan in their midst. Sidney explained that it
was Chancellor's `good parts of wit' that made him so
invaluable and, never shy to blow his own trumpet, added,
`I rejoice in myself that I have nourished and maintained
that wit.'
When a doubting merchant tackled Sidney on his
enthusiasm for being separated from Chancellor the old
man had a ready answer. `I do now part with Chancellor
not because I make little reckoning of the man, or because
his maintenance is burdenous and chargeable unto me. You
know the man by report, I by experience; you by words, I
by deeds; you by speech and company, but I by the daily
trial of his life.'
Sidney's rhetoric won the day and Chancellor was
promptly given command of the Edward Bonaventure, the
largest of the expedition's three ships. The governors then
turned to choosing a captain for the expedition's other
large ship, the Bona Esperanza. For reasons that remain
obscure they plumped for Sir Hugh Willoughby, a `goodly
personage' according to the records, but one who had
absolutely no knowledge of navigation. Such a man would
have been a risk for the short hop across the English
Channel; to despatch him to the uttermost ends of the
earth was to court disaster.
When it came to deciding the passage to the Spice
Islands the merchant adventurers were most insistent.
Although they had watched the Spanish and Portuguese
successfully sail both east and west to the East Indies, they
plumped for an altogether more eccentric option. Their
ships, it was decided, would head due north; a route that
would shave more than two thousand miles off the long
voyage to the Spice Islands. It would have the added benefit
of avoiding conflict with the Portuguese who had been
sailing the eastern route for almost a century and had
established fortified bastions in every port. There was also
the question of illness and climate to consider. English
mariners had seen the Portuguese ships return home with
their crews decimated by dysentery and typhoid, often
contracted in the tropical climes of the Indian Ocean. At
least one man in five could expect death on the long
voyage to the East but that number was frequently much
higher and often entire ships had to be abandoned due to
a shortage of crew. Since the Portuguese were acclimatised
by birth to a hot climate men questioned how English
sailors, brought up on the frosty fringes of northern
Europe, could hope to return in rude health.
The expedition ran into trouble before it even set sail.
During delays at Harwich, it was discovered that a large
part of the provisions was already rotten, while the wine
casks had been so badly assembled that the wine was
leaking freely though the joints in the wood. But with the
wind in their favour the captains decided there was no
time to restock the ships and the expedition set sail on 23
June 1553.
So long as the vessels stuck together under the capable
direction of Richard Chancellor they were unlikely to run
into trouble. But as they rounded the rocky shores of
northern Norway, `there came such flows of winde and
terrible whirlewinds' that Willoughby's ship was blown off
course. Chancellor had planned for such an eventuality,
suggesting that the ships regroup at Vardohuus, a small
island in the Barents Sea. He waited for seven days but,
hearing nothing of either the Bona Esperanza or the
Confidentia, the third ship of the fleet, he pushed on
eastwards towards the White Sea.
The other two vessels had also survived the storm. After
riding out the gale, Sir Hugh re-established contact with
the Confidentia and both headed towards the coastline. Here
Willoughby's inexperience began to tell. He sounded the
sea floor, pored over charts and scratched his head before
concluding that `the land lay not as the globe made
mention.' Failing to locate Vardohuus's or Chancellor's
vessel, he decided to press on with the expedition without
the flagship.
On 14 August 1553, he `descried land', apparently uninhabited,
at 72 degrees latitude but failed to reach it due
to the quantity of ice in the water. If this reading is correct,
his ship must have reached the barren islands of Novaya
Zemlya which lie, remote and isolated, in the Barents Sea.
From here he appears to have sailed south-east, then north-west,
then south-west, then north-east. The ignorance of
Willoughby and his men is staggering, for their course,
more than three hundred miles inside the Arctic Circle,
must have taken them in a giant arc through a dangerous
sea littered with melting pack-ice. On 14 September, they
again sighted land and shortly afterwards `sailed into a faire
bay' somewhere close to the present border between
Finland and Russia. Willoughby's men were cheered by the
sight of `very many seal fishes, and other great fishes; and
upon the main we saw beares, great deere, foxes with divers
strange beasts'. They planned at first to spend a week here
but `seeing the yeare far spent, and also very evill weather,
as frost, snow, and haile', they decided to winter in the bay.
The expedition's directors in London must by now have
hoped that their ships had found the North-East Passage,
broken through it, and be well on their way to the Spice
Islands. But instead of balmy evenings and gently swaying
palm trees, Willoughby and his men had met with freezing
fog, impenetrable ice, and the realisation that London's
merchants had made a terrible mistake when they chose the
route over the North Pole. Those merchants had vociferously
defended their decision, presenting logical and
compelling arguments to support their theories. As far back
as the year 1527, Robert Thorne, an English trader living in
Seville, had written to King Henry VIII with the exciting
(and highly secret) news that the Spice Islands could be
reached by way of the North Pole: `I know it is my bounden
duty to manifest this secret unto your Grace,' he wrote,
`which hitherto, as I suppose, hath beene hid.' The King was
left in no doubt that `by sailing northward and passing the
Pole, descending to the Equinoctial line, we shall hit these
islands [the Spice Islands], and it should be a much shorter
way than either the Spaniards or Portingals have.'
The more the experts researched the north-eastern
route to the Spice Islands the more plausible it proved to
be. In an age when men still looked for perfect symmetry
on their maps, the northern cape of Norway showed an
exact topographical correspondence to the southern cape
of Africa. Geographers agreed that this was indeed good
news; the chilly northern land mass must surely be a second
Cape of Good Hope. The writings of the ancients also lent
credence to the idea of reaching the East Indies by a
northerly route. Pliny the Elder had written of a circular
sea at the top of the globe and a land called Tabis
penetrating into the far north. To the east of Tabis there
was said to be an opening which connected the Polar Sea
to the warm waters of the Indian Ocean.
Such arguments were cold comfort to Willoughby and
his men, stuck fast in an expanse of ice. The bay in which
they had chosen to winter soon transformed itself into a
desolate wilderness; fishing proved impossible due to the
thickness of the ice and the wildlife disappeared with the
first snows. Even the birds, aware of the onslaught of
winter, migrated to warmer climes. Soon the ice floes had
trapped, then crushed, the ships and there was no escape.
With his crew growing hungrier by the day, Willoughby
sent out search parties to look for food, for people, for help.
`We sent out three men south-south-west to search if they
could find people,' wrote Sir Hugh, `but [they] could find
none.' Next he sent a party westwards, `which also returned
without finding any people'. A final team confirmed what
Willoughby had feared that they were imprisoned in an
uninhabited wilderness.
More than five years was to pass before a search ship
from England finally discovered what had happened to the
Bona Esperanza and Confidentia. Sailing into the bay where
Willoughby had chosen to winter, the would-be rescuers
stumbled across the ghostly and rotting hulks of the two
ships ships which had ended their days as charnel houses.
The crew's final grim months remain a mystery, for
Willoughby, racked by hunger, stopped recording daily
entries in his ship's log. All that is certain is that he and his
crew survived much of the winter, for the rescue party
found wills dated January 1554, a full four months after the
vessels had entered the bay.
The final, macabre twist in the tale was recorded by
Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian ambassador to Moscow.
The search party, he wrote, `has returned safe, bringing with
them the two vessels of the first voyage, having found them
on the Muscovite coast with the men on board all frozen.
And they [the rescuers] narrate strange things about the
mode in which they were frozen, pen still in hand, and the
paper before them, others at tables, platter in hand and
spoon in mouth; others opening a locker, and others in
various postures, like statues, as if they had been adjusted
and placed in those attitudes.'
While Willoughby and his men froze to death, Richard
Chancellor had fared rather better. Relying on the wit that
had so enamoured him to his adoptive father, he quickly
foresaw the danger of Arctic pack-ice. Dropping anchor in
the White Sea close to present-day Archangel, he
abandoned ship and trudged his way overland to Moscow.
At first he was disappointed in what he found. The city, he
thought, was `very rude' and the houses `all of timber'. Even
the imperial palace was disappointing `rather low' and
with `small windows' it was `much like the old buildings of
England'. But Chancellor soon changed his tune when
confronted with the barbaric splendour of Ivan the
Terrible's court. Ivan greeted him in `a long garment of
beaten golde, with an imperial crowne upon his head and
staffe of cristall and golde in his right hand'. The emperor's
conduct was as majestic as it was awe-inspiring: at a courtly
banquet he `sent to every man a great sliver of bread, and
the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloud, and
said, Ivan Vasilivich, Emperor of Russia and great Duke of
Moscova doth reward thee with bread.' Even the wine
goblets caught Chancellor's eye weighing the golden
beakers in his hand he declared they were `very massie' and
better than anything he had seen in England.
The time spent in Moscow was one of endless pleasure
for Chancellor's crew. Many had expected their journey to
end in disaster or death but instead they were living it up
in the bejewelled pavilion of the Emperor of Russia.
Chancellor was no less impressed: `I have seen the King's
majesties of England and the French King's pavilion,' he
wrote, `but none are like this.'
After lengthy negotiations, Ivan sent the English
commander back to England with a letter conferring
trading privileges upon a group of merchants in London. In
doing so he had unwittingly laid the foundations of the
Muscovy Company, a precursor to the East India Company.
Of the three ships that set sail for the Spice Islands not
one achieved its goal of locating the elusive North-East
Passage. The men who sailed north to escape the tropical
diseases of the Indian Ocean little thought they would
perish in the sub-zero waters of the Arctic. It would take
another four hundred years, and a nuclear-powered
submarine, before the northern route to the Pacific would
finally be conquered.
While London's merchants anxiously awaited news of their
historic first voyage to the Spice Islands, many people in
the country were left wondering what all the fuss was
about. Nutmeg, after all, made for an unpromising luxury.
Dry, wrinkled and not much bigger than a garden pea it
scarcely had the same appeal as a golden ducat or finely
hewn sapphire.
The doubters were soon to learn that it was of
potentially far greater value. London's leading doctors of
physic made increasingly extravagant claims as to the
efficacy of nutmeg, holding it to cure everything from the
plague to the `blody flux', both of which were regular
visitors to the capital, sweeping through its insanitary
back streets with devastating effect. One leading authority
pronounced that his sweet-smelling pomander, which
contained a large quantity of the spice, could even stave off
the dreaded `sweating syckness' that accompanied the
`pestiferous time of the pestilence'. Since this sickness the
plague was said to kill in just two hours the pomander
had to be made with all possible haste. After all, the old
patter ran: `mery at dinner, dead at supper.'
It was not just life-threatening illnesses that nutmeg was
said to cure. A growing interest in the medicinal value of
plants had led to an explosion in the number of dietary
books and herbals, all of which claimed that nutmeg and
other spices were beneficial in combating a host of minor
ailments. For chesty coughs, doctors recommended mulled
wine suffused with nutmeg. Cloves were said to cure
earache, pepper stifled colds, while those embarrassed by
trapped wind were recommended to take an extraordinary
pot-pourri of fifteen spices including cardamom, cinnamon
and nutmeg a recipe that would have been out of reach
of all but the flatulent rich. Spices were even held to revive
those who had shuffled off this mortal coil. Ten grams of
saffron taken with sweet wine was enough (it was claimed)
to bring back the dead. There were not known to be any
side-effects.
One of the more popular books was Andrew Borde's
Dyetary of Helth, a guide to good living which earned the
author even more fame than his seminal Treatyse upon
Beardes. `Nutmeges,' he wrote in his Dyetary, `be good for
them which have cold in their head and doth comforte the
syght and the brain.' His home-produced nutmeg cocktail
was said to be extremely efficacious; not only did it cleanse
`the mouthe of the stomacke and the spleen', it was also
`good against the blody flux', a virulent and dangerous
strain of dysentery.
Borde's Dyetary is a curious mixture of herbal and lore.
To any gentleman wishing to live a long life he suggests
wearing a red petticoat and avoiding `snaily rooms, while
those able to `rise with mirth' every morning were assured
of good health. His suggestion that nutmeg dampens sexual
desire had signally failed to work on him, for this celibate
former monk died in disgrace. `Under the colour of
virginitie and of wearing a shirt of hair [he kept] three
whores at once in his chamber ... to serve not only himself
but also help the virgin priests about in the country.' Borde
of all people should have kept taking the nutmeg but as he
wearily admitted, `it is hard to get out of the flesh what is
bred in the bone.'
Other authorities, turning Borde's misfortune to good
effect, began to claim that far from dampening sexual
desire, nutmeg was actually a powerful aphrodisiac. The
licentious Charles Sackville, sixth Earl of Dorset, jested that
Julius Caesar's libido was so low that even if Cleopatra had
used `nutmeg, mace and ginger' upon her `Roman swinger'
she would have failed to stir his loins. Such ingredients
could scarcely have failed to work on his lordship, for he
knew to his cost that a spoonful of nutmeg before bedtime
could cause no end of sweet but troublesome dreams:
(Continues...)