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A passionate, controversial argument against compromises on the road to freedom, by the renowned former dissident, human rights activist and Jewish leader
Drawing on his autobiography-from Soviet refusenik to Israeli cabinet minister - Sharansky distinguishes between "fear" and "free" societies. He spends a significant amount of time taking on conservative "realists" who prize stability in international relations, as well as liberals who he says fail to distinguish between flawed democracies that struggle to implement human rights and authoritarian or totalitarian states that flout human rights as a matter of course. Sharansky criticizes those who argue that democracy is culturally contingent and therefore unsuited for Muslim societies. Turning to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, he mentions documented Israeli human rights abuses, but places the bulk of the blame for the conflict on the dictatorial systems prevalent in Arab societies. He also weighs in on the vexing subject of how to distinguish legitimate criticism of Israel from the "new anti-Semitism." Such criticism must pass the "3D" test of "[no] demonization, double standards, or delegitimation." Sharansky does not grapple deeply with the current situation in Iraq, but his opinions throughout, honed through years in a Soviet prison and in the corridors of power, feel earned. Agent, Marvin Josephson at ICM. (Nov.) Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.
More Reviews and RecommendationsNatan Sharansky is a former Soviet dissident, political prisoner, and human rights icon who has spent his life championing democracy and freedom. He now serves as the Minister for Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs in the Israeli Government.
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March 20, 2006: This book contains experience, even wisdom, that almost any American peacenik might endorse. A Soviet Jew, Sharansky was refused an exit visa, convicted at age 29 of spying for the US and jailed for nine years. He was released in 1986 after the personal intervention of Ronald Reagan. In Israel, he has held several government ministries. An adamant conservative, he resigned from the Sharon government in disagreement over the Gaza withdrawal. In prison, he wrote, he became truly free his experience parallels Nelson Mandela?s. There is a tender exchange between Natan and his wife Avital, visiting Moscow?s Lefortovo prison years after his release. In a solitary cell where he had spent 405 days, he asked ?Do you recognize the room? You were always in here with me.? ?I know I was.? she replied. About a quarter of the book (I didn?t include it in this review) is a defense of Israel?s Palestinian policies. Sharansky makes three main points. ?A society is free if people have a right to express their views without fear.? In the Gulag, dissidents disagreed ?vociferously? about what type of free society they wanted, but agreed that the right of open dissent was the essential. At this point (groan), he abruptly shifts his theme from Freedom to Democracy, leaving the reader positively craving some words on the visions of the Gulag inmates. Sharansky tells us that a regime based on fear, like the USSR, must maintain control that ?inevitably triggers a process of decay.? The same is true of Saudi Arabia. (Jonathan Schell, The Unconquerable World, argues along the same lines.) Throughout, Sharansky argues that no society, including Muslim and Arab countries, is incapable of democracy, bolstering that claim with data from the Freedom House think tank (Google them). Interestingly, he is silent on the Iraq war. In the name of stability, he wrote, democracies embrace dictators ? a mistake, because the democracy that hates you is a better friend than the tyrant that loves you. Instead, America should ?link? its foreign policy to freedom of dissent in countries where it is lacking. After the first Gulf War, he suggested to the board of ?one of America?s most influential newspapers,? that America use its leverage to insist that Saudi Arabia accept an opposition newspaper, or remove some of its restrictions on emigration. Good idea. But, he was told, Mideast policy was about stability and oil. References are frustratingly sloppy: a key point from a ?leading Soviet economist? is referenced to a dead-end web page we never learn who he is. The ?leading American newspaper? is not named and a quote from Tony Blair is attributed to George W. Bush. A couple of pages after explaining the inevitability of the Soviet Union?s collapse, Sharansky writes that the contribution of his friend Ronald Reagan was ?crucial,? thus undermining his primary theme. Sharansky?s observations rely heavily on experience and personal conviction. He has, after all, paid dues that most of us have not. But, many important observations are supported by scholarly work and field data.
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December 10, 2005: A blueprint for victory in the war against Islamofascism if I ever saw one. In Minister Sharansky's opinion, the world is composed of free societies and fear societies. In a free society, the people have a right to express their thoughts WITHOUT any threat of persecution. In a fear society, this right simply does not exist. This is also a compelling call for moral clarity from all of us, so that President Bush's 'Road Map to Peace' doesn't become Oslo II but rather Helsinki II. Sadly, not enough people are linking international relations with the ideals of liberal democracy, the idea that freedom is the God-given birthright of ALL human peoples. We appease terrorists and dictators at our own peril because they believe that peace and war are interchangeable to enhance their power. The only way to defeat Islamist totalitarians is to extend the United States' international democratic hegemony ALL over the Middle East, certainly starting with Egypt, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. We really don't have anything to fear except fear itself. By maintaining our moral clarity and absolute determination for democratic reform in the Middle East, North Korea, etc., WITHOUT waiting for a response from dictators there, we will gain this inevitable triumph and remove tyranny from this world once and for all, so help us God.