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September 11, 2001, distinguished Cold War historian John Lewis Gaddis argues, was not the first time a surprise attack shattered American assumptions about national security and reshaped American grand strategy. We've been there before, and have responded each time by dramatically expanding our security responsibilities.
The pattern began in 1814, when the British attacked Washington, burning the White House and the Capitol. This early violation of homeland security gave rise to a strategy of unilateralism and preemption, best articulated by John Quincy Adams, aimed at maintaining strength beyond challenge throughout the North American continent. It remained in place for over a century. Only when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941 did the inadequacies of this strategy become evident: as a consequence, the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt devised a new grand strategy of cooperation with allies on an intercontinental scale to defeat authoritarianism. That strategy defined the American approach throughout World War II and the Cold War.
The terrorist attacks of 9/11, Gaddis writes, made it clear that this strategy was now insufficient to ensure American security. The Bush administration has, therefore, devised a new grand strategy whose foundations lie in the nineteenth-century tradition of unilateralism, preemption, and hegemony, projected this time on a global scale. How successful it will be in the face of twenty-first-century challenges is the question that confronts us. This provocative book, informed by the experiences of the past but focused on the present and the future, is one of the first attempts by a major scholar of grand strategy andinternational relations to provide an answer.
When he looks to the future, Gaddis raises more questions than he answers, but he raises the right ones. One of these is whether the administration's domestic policy is consistent with its grand strategy. Gaddis notes the contrast between Roosevelt's call for national sacrifice to win World War II and Bush's decision to place the burden of today's wars only on those who do the fighting -- and on future generations that must pay the bills. One has to wonder whether the administration's fiscal and energy policies are consistent with the goal of maintaining American global predominance. Jack F. Matlock Jr.
More Reviews and RecommendationsJohn Lewis Gaddis is Robert A. Lovett Professor of History and Political Science at Yale University.
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April 13, 2006: Gaddis puts 9/11 and the invasion of Iraq into historical perspective. He makes an interesting case that trade, media, telecommunications and the Internet have made governments and states less powerful and less important than they used to be. But his selection of historical analogies is too limited to be persuasive. When Washington D.C. was raided in 1814 we were a very different country (small, powerless, and lucky to exist at all) and our attacker, Britain, was very different from Al Queda. When Bush and Rumsfeld decided to invade Iraq I don't think they were thinking of the policies of John Quincy Adams. Except for brief nods to 'trade', Gaddis pretty much ignores economics. Oil, and not the extension of freedom and democracy, is the reason we care about Iraq and the Middle East. There are dictators as bad as Saddam all over Africa that we pay no attention to. On page 89 Gaddis says the lack of representative democracy led to terrorism. But the terrorists hate democracy - a country should not be governed by the will of the people but by the will of God (as interpreted by the most wise and most devout). In sum, Gaddis throws some interesting parallels and ideas into the fray but is a long way from providing a comprehensive analysis or a good guide to future action.